Why Minimising Abuse Is Dangerous: The Harm Behind Saying “She Was 15, Not 8”

When Violence Is Reframed as Preference

Every so often, someone says something so casually harmful that it stops you in your tracks. Recently, I heard the statement: “Epstein wasn’t into eight-year-olds, he was into fifteen-year-olds.” It stayed with me, not because the sentiment was new, but because it revealed such a familiar and deeply troubling logic. It is the logic that reframes abuse as a matter of preference and turns the exploitation of children into something negotiable depending on age.

This is the cultural rot I keep writing about. A worldview that has spent generations sexualising girls, rationalising violence, and inventing new ways to make harm sound less harmful. When someone claims the abuse of a fifteen-year-old is less disturbing than the abuse of an eight-year-old, they are drawing from a long history of minimising violence, softening its language, and making exploitation easier for society to digest.

The sexualisation of teenage girls is not an accident. It is a structural feature of the world we live in. Film, media, music, and everyday social attitudes all contribute to the idea that teenage girls are almost women. This narrative makes them hyper-visible as sexual beings while stripping them of their right to be protected as children. It is the same logic that tells us a fifteen-year-old “knows what she is doing,” a fourteen-year-old is “grown,” or a sixteen-year-old looks “mature for her age.” These phrases are never neutral. They are cultural tools that make certain girls, especially Black and Brown girls, appear older and less innocent in the eyes of the public. And once innocence is removed, protection follows soon after.

This is why so many people instinctively believe that the exploitation of a teenager is less severe. The boundaries of childhood have already been blurred by a society that insists on seeing some girls as adults long before they become one.

Rape culture thrives on technicalities. When someone says “it wasn’t eight-year-olds, it was fifteen-year-olds,” they shift the focus away from the violence and onto a superficial detail. This redirection softens the discomfort. It allows people to distance themselves from the gravity of the harm. It is the same pattern that excuses teachers who develop relationships with students, men who claim they did not know a girl was underage, or older predators who wait until a child hits the legal age of consent by a matter of days. None of these scenarios become less exploitative just because the language surrounding them is manipulated.

Power makes true consent impossible. A child cannot meaningfully consent to an adult who holds wealth, influence, status, or any form of authority. Not at eight. Not at fifteen. Not at seventeen. The presence of overwhelming power collapses the possibility of autonomy. Coercion does not need to be loud to be coercive. Compliance does not equal consent.

The practice of comparing ages also erases the lived experiences of survivors. It suggests that a fifteen-year-old should somehow have known better. It implies that her trauma is less legitimate, that she is closer to adulthood, and therefore less harmed. That kind of thinking is violent. It shifts empathy away from the child and toward the perpetrator’s supposed preferences. It encourages society to debate harm as though it has a gradient, as though some children are more deserving of protection than others.

We cannot allow this logic to continue unchecked. The moment we start negotiating which children count as victims is the moment we align ourselves with systems that protect abusers and silence survivors. Minimising harm creates apathy. It conditions people to overlook violence. It trains communities to accept exploitation when it is packaged neatly enough.

There is no acceptable age for abuse. There is no softer version of exploitation. There is no universe where harming a child becomes justified based on how close she is to adulthood. Harm is harm. A child is a child. And our language should reflect the seriousness of what is being done to them.

When the Government Punishes Need: Labour’s War on Disabled People

 

There’s something deeply rotten about a government that chooses to balance its books on the backs of those already struggling to survive.

The Labour government’s plan to make “tough decisions” on welfare isn’t just an abstract policy it’s a direct assault on disabled people’s dignity and independence. Disabled people are already enduring the cruelty of a broken DWP system, one that punishes need and treats claimants as suspects instead of citizens. Every form, every assessment, every humiliating appeal is designed to wear people down until they give up.

Now, to make things worse, they’re targeting the Motability scheme  the very system that helps disabled people stay mobile, get to work, attend appointments, and live full lives. When they take away adapted cars, wheelchairs, and accessible transport, they’re not just taking away convenience. They’re taking away life itself.

Meanwhile, the same government refuses to touch the wealth of billionaires and corporate tax dodgers many of whom hide their fortunes in offshore accounts while preaching “fiscal responsibility.” What’s wrong with taxing billionaires? Why is it so politically unthinkable to make those who hoard obscene wealth contribute their fair share, but so easy to take from the disabled, the sick, and the poor?

This isn’t economic prudence. It’s moral failure.
It’s cruelty masked as reform.
And it’s shameful.

If Labour truly believed in equality and fairness, they would start by rebuilding the broken systems that disabled people are forced to navigate every day not by making life harder for them. They would see that mobility, accessibility, and welfare are not luxuries. They are lifelines.

But instead of justice, we get slogans. Instead of empathy, we get punishment. Instead of taxing billionaires, we get policies that strip disabled people of the bare minimum they need to live.

This government isn’t helping disabled people “get back to work.” It’s making sure they can’t get anywhere at all.

Evil isn’t always loud. Sometimes it wears a red rosette and calls itself “responsible.”

Author’s Note

I’ll always be fighting for those who are under-treated, unequally treated, or ignored by society. If this matters to you too — speak up. Share, write, contact your MP, and refuse to let silence become complicity. Disabled lives deserve dignity, not dismantling.

Between Faith and Fear: What It Means to Be God-Fearing in an Authoritarian Age

 

“You can preach to people, but you can’t punish those who don’t believe.”

That single sentence captures the heart of Christianity and the heart of the struggle for America’s soul today.

Across pulpits and campaign rallies, “God-fearing” has been redefined, not as humility before God, but as loyalty to a political order claiming divine backing. The shift is subtle, but its consequences reach far beyond church walls. As a Christian, l have this to say,

 

What True God Fearing Faith Means

To fear God in Scripture is not to live in terror; it is to live in awe and accountability to recognise human limitation before divine justice.

Real God-fearing faith is marked by reverence, not rage.

“The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom.” — Proverbs 9:10

It is:

·         Personal – grounded in conscience and free will.

·         Voluntary – chosen, never coerced.

·         Compassionate – animated by mercy rather than punishment.

·         Humble – aware that judgment belongs to God alone.

·         Inclusive – open to the stranger, as Christ was.

Faith like this liberates; it never dominates.

It invites people into grace rather than threatening them with exclusion.

 

What We Are Seeing Instead

 

The current American landscape shows a different theology taking hold: Christian nationalism.

It preaches salvation through citizenship and moral order through law.

It tells believers that to defend the nation is to defend God, and that opposing certain leaders is rebellion against heaven itself.

Christian nationalism is not Christianity.

It fuses religion with power, turning prayer into propaganda.

Its marks are easy to spot:

·         Politicians declaring divine mandate for office.

·         Pastors instructing congregants how to vote.

·         Policies justified through “biblical” purity rather than civic equality.

·         Non-believers, Muslims, Jews, and secular citizens were labelled outsiders to “real America.”

This is not the gospel; it is idolatry.

It substitutes the cross for the flag and calls the substitution holy.

Jesus Refused Political Kingship

When the crowd tried to make Jesus a political ruler, He withdrew:

“Jesus, knowing that they intended to come and make him king by force, withdrew again to a mountain by himself.” (John 6:15)

Before Pilate, He clarified the nature of His authority:

“My kingdom is not of this world… If it were, my servants would fight.” (John 18:36)

He rejected violent power, rebuking Peter’s sword:

“Put your sword back in its place… for all who draw the sword will die by the sword.” (Matthew 26:52)

And in the wilderness, He refused Satan’s offer of “all the kingdoms of the world” in exchange for worship (Matthew 4:8-10).

The pattern is unmistakable: Jesus chose witness over rule, persuasion over coercion, the cross over the throne. Any project that seeks to compel belief by law or punish unbelief in God’s name runs counter to the way of Christ.

Coercion Is Not Conversion

God’s relationship with humanity is an invitation, not a command.

“Behold, I stand at the door and knock.” — Revelation 3:20

“Choose this day whom you will serve.” — Joshua 24:15

Choice is woven into the DNA of faith. Without freedom, belief becomes performance.

The early Church grew not through government backing but through witness and sacrifice.

Whenever Christianity has tried to rule from Constantine’s empire to modern theocracies, it has gained power but lost its moral pulse.

The Political Cost of Forced Piety

When the state baptises itself, religion becomes a weapon of exclusion.

Dissenters are branded unpatriotic.

Schools teach one creed as truth.

Officials claim divine right for policy.

Minorities live under suspicion, not law.

History has seen this pattern before: medieval inquisitions, colonial missions, 1930s fascisms cloaked in faith.

In every case, the gospel of love was replaced by the logic of control.

 

A nation can be religious without being righteous.

And it can be righteous only when belief is free.

 

True God-Fearing Faith	Authoritarian or Nationalist Faith
Rooted in humility and service	Rooted in pride and dominance
Invites belief through example	Imposes belief through law
Speaks truth to power	Serves power as truth
Protects conscience and pluralism	Punishes dissent and diversity
Centres Christ’s compassion	Centres the nation’s glory
Seeks hearts	Seeks obedience

 

When Religion Becomes Idolatry

The theologian Reinhold Niebuhr, writing as fascism rose in Europe, warned:

“When religion is identified with the symbols of national loyalty, it becomes the tool of tyranny rather than its critic.”

That line could have been written for 2025.

In America today, revival language sanctifies vengeance; prayers for peace are mixed with calls for punishment.

When pulpits echo state slogans, Christ’s message of mercy is drowned out by applause for strength.

Faith That Liberates

To be Christian in this moment is not to retreat from politics but to refuse to worship it.

It means defending conscience for all, not only for ourselves.

It means standing beside those targeted in God’s name and saying: not in ours.

True revival will never come from legislating belief.

It begins where hearts are softened, where enemies are forgiven, and where truth is spoken without fear of losing favour.

A Final Reflection

America’s founders, many of them devout, enshrined the separation of church and state not because they distrusted faith but because they understood its sanctity. Religion coerced by law ceases to be faith at all.

“Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, and unto God the things that are God’s.” — Matthew 22:21

That verse remains the firewall against tyranny disguised as piety.

A God-fearing nation knows even the state must bow before conscience, not claim it.

The task for believers now is not to reclaim the nation for God, but to reclaim faith from those who would use it to rule.

The power of the gospel has never been in the sword or the ballot box, but in the quiet courage to love those who do not believe as we do.

“When faith is forced, it ceases to be faith.

When love is legislated, it ceases to be love.”

 

The Police Will Not Change

 We have been told, once again, that the police are racist and misogynistic. Louise Casey said it last year in her review of the Metropolitan Police. The Macpherson Report said it in 1999. Before them, countless campaigners, mothers, families, and community groups said it louder and longer. But each time, the shock is performed as if we did not already know.

The truth is simple. The police will not change. They cannot change. Because this is not about a few bad officers or outdated attitudes. It is about a structure that was built on racism and sustained by racism. And if you want proof, you do not need to look only at the way the police treat us on the outside. You can see it inside the force, in its history, and in the long trail of fake reforms.

When police leaders say they want to diversify the force, they talk as though putting Black and Brown faces in uniform will change the culture. But the evidence tells us otherwise.

In 2022, a survey of Black police officers and staff across the UK found that more than half had experienced racism from their colleagues in the previous year. Some described being called slurs. Others spoke about being treated as tokens, sidelined for promotion, or punished for speaking up. The uniform did not protect them. It made them targets.

The Casey Review into the Met Police echoed this. Forty-six percent of Black staff said they had personally experienced racism at work. Black officers were 81 percent more likely than their White colleagues to face a misconduct allegation. Think about that: the people meant to be enforcing the rules of fairness are enforcing bias inside their own walls.

And what happens when they speak up? The same as happens when racialised citizens complain: denial, dismissal, silencing. Black officers are left isolated, their careers stalled, their dignity stripped away.

When the Met or Thames Valley put out glossy recruitment ads, with smiling Black and Asian officers on the posters, they are not selling change. They are selling illusion. Representation is not the same as transformation. Putting a racialised face in a uniform does not dismantle an institution built on racism. It simply decorates it.

And if the police cannot even protect their own Black staff inside the force, what chance do we have as Black and Brown citizens outside it?

Colonial Shadows: How Empire Built British Policing

To understand why reform always fails, we need to understand where policing came from.

Modern British policing did not emerge as a neutral service to protect everyone equally. It was built in the early nineteenth century to control the poor, to protect property, to keep “order” in a society defined by class and inequality. But more than that, it was perfected abroad.

In India, in Africa, in the Caribbean, the British police exported surveillance, violence, and racial hierarchies. Colonial policing was not about community safety. It was about domination. The techniques were clear: collective punishment, constant surveillance, the criminalisation of whole communities, and the assumption that the colonised were always suspects.

Those logics did not disappear when the colonies fought for independence. They came back home. Stop and search today echoes colonial suspicion. Immigration raids echo colonial surveillance. The treatment of Black and Brown children as threats rather than innocents is a direct continuation of how the British state has always policed racialised bodies.

When Black people in Britain are stopped and searched four times more than White people, when Black children are strip-searched at six times the rate of White children, this is not accidental. It is not the system “failing.” It is the system working as it was designed: to discipline, to control, to keep racial hierarchies in place.

Conversely, when people ask why the police are like this, the answer is not that they lost their way. It is that they never had another way.

Twenty-Four Years Later: The Myth of Reform

If the system is so broken, why has nothing changed? Because reform has always been theatre.

The clearest example is the case of Stephen Lawrence.

In April 1993, Stephen, a Black teenager, was murdered in a racist attack while waiting for a bus in south-east London. The investigation that followed was a disaster. Police failed to act on leads, ignored witnesses, and showed little urgency in bringing his killers to justice. His family, particularly his mother Doreen Lawrence, fought tirelessly against not just the murderers but the indifference of the police.

It took years of campaigning, public pressure, and inquiry before the truth was acknowledged. In 1999, the Macpherson Report finally concluded that the Met Police was “institutionally racist.” This was supposed to be the turning point. It was meant to change everything. The recommendations included better training, new accountability structures, stronger oversight. There were promises of cultural reform.

Fast forward twenty-four years to the Casey Review of 2023. The conclusion? Almost word for word the same: the Met is institutionally racist, misogynistic, and homophobic. The recommendations? Another list of reforms, trainings, and promises.

This is the pattern. Scandal. Inquiry. Promise. Forgetting. Repeat.

The Lawrence family’s fight exposed the rot at the core of British policing. It forced the country to use the language of institutional racism. But it did not change the institution itself. The killers were eventually convicted, but the culture that failed Stephen the culture that dismissed his family survived.

Every inquiry buys time. Every training session reassures the public. Every photo of a Black officer on a recruitment poster signals progress. But the structure remains the same.

Because change would mean dismantling the very logic of policing. It would mean admitting that the institution’s legitimacy is built on control rather than justice. It would mean accountability to the very communities it currently criminalises. And that is the one thing the police, as an institution, will never accept.

That is why reform fails. Not because the right ideas have not been tried, but because the institution is not meant to transform. It is meant to survive.

So where does this leave us now?

It leaves us with a truth that is even sharper. The police are not broken. They are not in crisis. They are functioning exactly as they were designed to maintain racial hierarchies, to protect men at women’s expense, to dismiss and endanger queer communities, and above all, to defend themselves from scrutiny.

The murder of Stephen Lawrence and the failures that followed exposed institutional racism to the nation. The murder of Sarah Everard by a serving officer laid bare the depth of misogyny inside the force. The testimonies of LGBTQ+ officers and communities show that homophobia is still alive in policing culture. These are not isolated failures. They are the system itself.

And yet, in the middle of all this, some voices try to claim that policing in Britain has gone “too soft” on Black and Brown people that there is somehow a two-tier system in our favour. The evidence shows the opposite. Black people are stopped and searched at more than four times the rate of White people. Black children are strip-searched at six times the rate of their White peers. Black officers themselves face more misconduct charges than their White colleagues. If this is what “favour” looks like, then it is a cruel joke.

When the BBC headlines say the police are racist, misogynistic, and homophobic, the establishment performs shock. But for racialised people, for women, and for queer communities, there is nothing shocking here. We have lived it, and we continue to live it.

The question is not whether the police can change. They will not. The question is whether society is willing to keep tolerating an institution that tells so many of us through every stop, every dismissal, every silence that we do not belong, and we are not safe.

 

References and Sources

• Guardian: Half of Black British police report racism from colleagues (2022)
• The Casey Review (2023): Findings on racism, misogyny, homophobia in the Met
• LAG: The Casey Review and institutional discrimination
• HMICFRS: Black people three times more likely to be arrested than White people
• Ethnicity Facts & Figures: Stop and Search
• Ethnicity Facts & Figures: Confidence in local police
• [Macpherson Report (1999)]
• [Casey Review (2023)]
• [Stephen Lawrence case overview – CPS / BBC timelines]

Complaint Systems in the UK: Gatekeeping, Silence, and Institutional Violence

Every major institution in the UK advertises a complaint system. The NHS has PALS, the police have Professional Standards, the DWP has internal reviews, universities have panels, banks have “resolution teams.” On paper, these systems suggest fairness and accountability. In reality, they are designed for gatekeeping, delay, and dismissal.

Complaints in the UK rarely lead to resolution. Instead, they follow the same cycle: redirection to a website, generic responses quoting policy, endless repetition of your story to different staff, and finally  silence. The system decides which complaints are “worth” investigating, and whose voices matter.

I say “the UK” because I have gone through every level. I have complained to managers, escalated to senior managers, and even written to ministers, commissioners, and parliamentary inboxes about health, social care, and the DWP. And still  nothing. If even ministers do not respond, what chance does an ordinary claimant, patient, or student have?

In my own cases, I have evidence in writing: emails, letters, internal notes. Yet this evidence is treated as irrelevant. For example:

• Ambulance services: I experienced degrading treatment during a call-out, where my needs as a disabled person were minimised and dismissed. I documented the incident in detail, but no action was taken.

• The NHS: staff pointed me towards PALS while I was an inpatient, praising it as the solution to everything. But once discharged, PALS became another locked door, producing only excuses.

• Banks: after I was given wrong advice that cost me money, I was told they “could not find” the phone call in question. Only when I threatened the Financial Ombudsman did they suddenly locate the evidence and refund me. It took months.

• The police: when I complained about racism, the conclusion was the same as so many others have heard: our colleague was right, you were wrong.

And I am not the only one. In support groups, across disability networks, and among claimants and patients, I hear the same story repeated: people complain, they gather evidence, they follow procedure and the system still denies them justice. Complaint systems work consistently, but only in one direction: to protect institutions.

Racism, Ableism, Classism — Built Into the System

This failure is not neutral. Racism, ableism, and classism shape who gets dismissed and who gets heard.

• When a Black person complains about racist policing, their account is disregarded in favour of officers’ words.

• When a disabled person complains about inaccessible or degrading treatment, it is reframed as “miscommunication.”

• When claimants or working-class people challenge the DWP, they are treated as irritants rather than citizens with rights.

The gatekeeping function of complaint systems is not about fairness. It is about preserving institutional hierarchies and ensuring that the most marginalised remain unheard.

The Rot of Hierarchism

At the core of this problem is hierarchism the culture of protecting staff and reputations over accountability. A racist remark is excused. A cruel dismissal of a disabled patient is written off as “not what they meant.” A harmful decision is defended to preserve the image of competence.

But shielding staff prevents learning. It ensures that failures are never corrected and are instead passed on to the next recruit. This is how rot takes hold inside institutions.

The Metropolitan Police shows where this leads. For decades, complaints of racism, misogyny, and corruption were ignored. Instead of reform, the institution shielded itself. Today, the Met is in crisis precisely because it failed to deal with complaints. What was dismissed as “a few bad apples” was, in fact, a system that refused to learn.

When complaint systems fail in this way, they do more than frustrate. They inflict violence. Not always physical, but institutional: the violence of dismissal, the violence of disbelief, the violence of silencing. Each unanswered complaint tells marginalised communities that their pain will not be recognised, their evidence will not matter, and their experiences will be erased unless they launch petitions, mount campaigns, or go to court.

That is not accountability. It is systemic violence disguised as procedure.

Every mishandled complaint erodes trust. Patients stop trusting the NHS. Citizens stop trusting the police. Claimants stop trusting the DWP. Communities retreat, alienated. Public faith in justice collapses.

If complaint systems worked as intended, they could be engines of reform. They could expose failures, shape better training, and create cultures of accountability. Instead, they preserve the façade of fairness while ensuring nothing changes.

What Needs to Change

The UK cannot continue to treat complaints as threats to reputation. Complaints are evidence  lived, documented, painful evidence  of what has gone wrong. They are the material of learning. To bury them is to bury truth.

Until institutions face complaints honestly, the rot will continue. Staff will remain untrained. Injustice will be reproduced. And the same communities disabled, racialised, working-class  will pay the price.

The UK claims to have complaint systems. What it has, in truth, are gatekeeping systems. And until that changes, people like me and countless others will continue to document our truth elsewhere, because at least here, on our own terms, our voices cannot be erased.

The Department for Work and Pensions and the politics of welfare reform

The welfare state was never meant to be like this.

When Britain was rebuilding after the Second World War, the government made a promise: no one would be left behind. The Beveridge Report of 1942 identified five great evils — Want, Disease, Ignorance, Squalor, and Idleness and designed a safety net “from cradle to grave.” This was not charity. It was a right of citizenship. Workers would pay in when they could, and society would stand by them when illness, disability, or unemployment struck.

It was about solidarity, not suspicion. Cleaners, carers, teachers, factory workers, bus drivers, the people who kept Britain running were not on high wages, but they worked their whole lives. Welfare was their guarantee of dignity when times turned hard.

Fast forward to today, and that promise has been twisted into something rotten. The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP), the very institution meant to uphold the welfare state, has become a machine of suspicion and punishment. Instead of support, it delivers stress. Instead of protection, it delivers humiliation.

And I know this because I live it too.

My Experience: Missed Calls, Hostile Letters, and No Accountability

On 25 September, I was due to have a phone appointment with the DWP. The call never came. There was no missed call, no voicemail, nothing in my records. But a few days later, a letter arrived. Its opening line: “You need to tell us why you did not attend.” The closing threat: “If you do not attend your appointments… your payment could be stopped.”

That letter was not written to help me. It was written to blame me.

I rebooked for another appointment at 10:30. Again, no call came. Again, no missed call. Again, I was left chasing. Meanwhile, the letters keep coming cold, passive-aggressive, treating me not as a human needing support but as a suspect who needs to prove themselves.

When I once complained about a member of staff who was openly rude, a manager brushed it off: “he wasn’t.” No accountability. No change. Where do you go from there?

And when I tried to do something positive, to move forward and build a business, I discovered another barrier: DWP’s own “Access to Work” scheme. On paper, it helps disabled people start or stay in employment. In reality, for business, it can take up to 30 weeks for support to arrive. But the first 30 weeks of a new business are the most critical. A delay that long isn’t support; it’s sabotage.

That is my reality. And I am not alone.

The cruelty of the system is not just inefficiency. It is baked into its culture. And sometimes, it kills.

• J. Whiting, a 42-year-old disabled mother, had her benefits wrongly stopped in 2017. Just days later, she died by suicide. In 2025, a second inquest confirmed that the DWP’s decision had triggered her death (The Guardian, 2 June 2025).
• M. O’Sullivan, aged 60, was declared “fit for work” despite serious mental health issues. He took his own life. The coroner directly blamed the Work Capability Assessment for causing “intense anxiety” that led to his death (The Guardian, 7 Feb 2020).
• K. Featherstone, a young disabled man, had his PIP cut. His health deteriorated into malnutrition, depression, and isolation. He took his own life. His mother later described the assessment process as “torture,” saying the DWP had ignored repeated warnings (Disability Rights UK, July 2021).
• A disabled woman learned that her PIP appeal had failed. Just 48 hours later, she was dead by suicide. Her life ended with a letter (Disability News Service, 2019).
• 1,860 people who applied for PIP between 2018 and 2022 died within six months of being denied support nearly 100 people a month. Many were terminally ill, but the system still decided they didn’t qualify (Marie Curie, 2022).

Behind every statistic is a human being. And behind every death is the same culture: a department more focused on policing than protecting.

A Culture of Suspicion and Punishment

What ties my story to J. Whiting’s, to M. O’Sullivan’s, to Ker Featherstone’s?

It is culture.

The DWP does not see claimants as citizens with rights. It sees us as cheats waiting to be exposed. That suspicion is written into every letter, every assessment, every interaction.

• Phone appointments missed by DWP become accusations against the claimant.
• Appeals drag on for years, leaving people in poverty and despair.
• Customer service is often rude, dismissive, or outright cruel.
• Assessors ask questions like, “Why haven’t you killed yourself yet?” and yes, that happened to claimants (The Independent, 2017).

Even in the rare cases when coroners or watchdogs find fault, the system protects itself. The National Audit Office confirmed at least 69 suicides had been linked to DWP benefit handling through its own internal reviews, but it warned the real figure was likely far higher, because many cases were under-recorded or destroyed (The Guardian, 7 Feb 2020).

This is not welfare. This is not safe. This is institutional abuse.

The Betrayal of the Post-War Promise

What makes it worse is remembering where all this began.

The welfare state was created to protect ordinary workers, the cleaners, the factory workers, the teachers, the nurses, the builders, people who gave their whole lives to their jobs but never earned enough to be secure when illness or redundancy came. It was designed as a collective promise: “We will look after you, because you looked after society.”

Now? That promise has been broken.

Instead of being a right of citizenship, welfare is treated as a favour. Instead of solidarity, it is suspicion. Instead of support, it is punishment. The DWP, the institution meant to protect, has become the institution that harms.

This is not just inefficiency. It is cruelty, normalised. And it must end.

What Needs to Change

Anger is not enough. We already know the system is broken — the question is: what must be done to fix it? The answer is not cutting disability benefits, not harsher sanctions, not more hoops to jump through. The answer is cultural and structural change.

Here are six urgent demands.

1. A Statutory Duty of Care

Right now, the DWP has no legal duty to protect the people it deals with. That means when vulnerable claimants are harmed, even when they die, the department is not held responsible.

This has to change. A recent report from Parliament’s Work and Pensions Committee recommended a statutory duty of care: a legal requirement that the DWP safeguard claimants, especially those who are disabled, ill, or at risk of harm (UK Parliament Report, 2025).

Why it matters: If doctors, teachers, and social workers can be held accountable for safeguarding failures, why not the DWP? It handles the lives of millions, often at their lowest point. Without a duty of care, claimants will continue to fall through the cracks, sometimes fatally.

2. End Hostile Communications

The language of DWP letters is one of suspicion and blame. “Tell us why you failed to attend.” “If you do not respond, your payments may be stopped.”

But many people never “failed” at all. Calls are missed by the DWP, letters arrive late, and vulnerable people are punished for administrative errors.

Why it matters: Tone is not cosmetic. Tone can save lives. A letter that blames can tip someone already struggling into despair. A letter that supports can give them enough hope to carry on.

The DWP must rewrite its communications in plain, compassionate language. For example:

• Instead of “You did not attend your appointment,” write “We tried to contact you. Did something go wrong? Please let us know.”

It costs nothing to treat people with dignity.

3. Independent Oversight and Transparency

When claimants die, the DWP carries out internal process reviews (IPRs). But most of these reports never see the light of day. In fact, Disability Rights UK revealed that older reports have even been destroyed (DRUK, 2020).

This secrecy is deliberate. It shields the DWP from accountability.

Why it matters: Without transparency, lessons are never learned. Families are left without answers. And the public cannot see how many lives have been lost.

All IPRs, past and future, must be published in full. And oversight must be taken out of DWP’s hands and given to an independent watchdog with the power to investigate, sanction, and enforce change.

4. Appeals That Don’t Take Years

Many people who are denied benefits eventually win on appeal. But the appeal system is so slow that claimants often endure months or years of stress, debt, and poverty before justice arrives. Some do not live to see it.

Why it matters: A system that regularly overturns its own decisions is a system that knows it is making mistakes. Delayed justice is not justice; it is cruelty.

Appeals must be fast-tracked, with priority given to cases where health is deteriorating or livelihoods are at stake. Independent panels should be empowered to overturn unfair decisions swiftly.

5. Training in Human Dignity

Customer service is often rude, dismissive, or outright cruel. Claimants have been asked appalling questions like “Why haven’t you killed yourself yet?” (The Independent, 2017). Complaints are brushed aside.

Why it matters: DWP staff are not dealing with numbers. They are dealing with people at their most vulnerable people in crisis, with disabilities, and people facing poverty.

Every staff member must receive mandatory training in trauma-informed practice, disability rights, and respect. Staff who abuse claimants must face consequences. And claimants must have real avenues for complaints that are taken seriously, not dismissed out of hand.

6. Fix Access to Work

For disabled people who want to start or stay in work, the DWP offers “Access to Work”, a scheme meant to provide grants and adjustments. On paper, it sounds like support. In reality, for disabled entrepreneurs, it often takes 30 weeks for help to arrive.

Why it matters: The first 30 weeks of a business are the most critical. That is when support is needed most. Waiting half a year is not support, it is sabotage.

If the government is serious about disabled people working, Access to Work must be streamlined. Support should be delivered quickly, flexibly, and with recognition that disabled entrepreneurs and workers cannot wait half a year for basic assistance.

The Bottom Line

The welfare state was created after the Second World War as a promise: that no one would be abandoned in times of hardship. That promise has been broken.

Instead of care, the DWP delivers cruelty. Instead of dignity, it delivers suspicion. Instead of support, it delivers stress. And in too many cases, it delivers death.

Cutting disability benefits will not fix this. The system itself is rotten. It does not need tinkering  it needs transformation.

We cannot accept passive-aggressive letters that shame people into despair. We cannot accept years-long appeals that leave people destitute. We cannot accept Access to Work delays that crush disabled entrepreneurs before they begin. We cannot accept a department that operates without a duty of care while people die under its watch.

This is not just about money. It is about humanity. And right now, Britain’s safety net has become a trap.

To MPs, to ministers, to the Ombudsman, to anyone in power: you cannot say you did not know. The evidence is here. The lives lost are here. My story is here.

The DWP does not need more excuses. It needs reform. It needs accountability. And above all, it needs to remember why the welfare state was created in the first place: to protect people when life is hardest.

Until then, every missed call, every hostile letter, every delayed appeal, every unnecessary death is on your hands.

 

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