What’s New? The Police Were
Always Like This
The BBC reported today that the Metropolitan Police
are misogynistic and racist. My reaction, like so many others, was simple:
what’s new?
For anyone racialised in Britain, this is not
breaking news. It is a daily reality. The institution built to “protect” us has
never protected us. It polices us. It questions our right to exist in public
space, our right to drive, to walk, to stand still, to call for help.
What you might not realise is that it is not just
the Met. Thames Valley Police are no different. They may not be caught in as
many headlines, but they operate by the same rules: protect their own,
disbelieve the racialised complainant, shut cases down before they even open.
I know this because I lived it. I reported a racist
incident to Thames Valley Police. What did I get? An “investigation” carried
out by one of their own officers against one of their own colleagues. No one
spoke to me. No one asked for my account. Somehow, without my voice even
entering the room, they concluded that he was not racist.
A year later, after chasing them again and again,
nothing was resolved. No justice. No acknowledgement. Nothing. Just silence.
The case evaporated, and with it, any pretence that the police care about the truth.
So when people ask me: what chance do racialised
people have with the police? My answer is the same as it was the day I dialled
the number: none.
Whether you dial 999 in fear or 101 in frustration,
the result is the same: disbelief, dismissal, or silence.
If you want to understand how racialised people are
treated in this country, look at stop and search. The numbers do not lie.
In England and Wales in the year ending March 2023,
there were more than 529,000 stop and searches, a rate of nearly 9 per 1,000
people. But the distribution is nowhere near even. Black people were stopped at
a rate of 24.5 per 1,000. White people? 5.9 per 1,000. That means Black people
are about four times more likely to be stopped than White people.
Under Section 60, suspicionless stop and search
powers that allow police to stop people without even pretending to have
reasonable suspicion, the disparities are even worse. Black people are seven
times more likely to be subjected to these random, humiliating searches than
White people. This is racial profiling, written into law.
What do these searches actually produce? Not
justice, not safety, not the prevention of crime. In 2022 to 2023, nearly 70 per
cent of stop and searches ended in no further action. Seven out of ten times,
the police found nothing. The person they stopped had done nothing wrong.
So, what is stop and search really for? To remind
racialised people that they are suspects by default. To mark out Blackness and
Brownness as inherently suspicious. To humiliate, to control, to perform
dominance in public.
The impact is brutal. Every racialised person I
know has a story: stopped while driving because they “fit the description.”
Searched outside a shop for looking “out of place.” Pulled over, spoken to like
a criminal, while White friends look on in disbelief.
In London, the figures are even sharper. Some
boroughs see 40 stop and searches per 1,000 Black people. That is not policing.
That is harassment dressed in uniform.
This is not about crime. It is about control. This
tells racialised communities the truth we already know: the police are not here
for us. They are here to police us.
Stop and search is only the front door. Once you
step through it, the disparities deepen.
In 2022 to 2023, there were around 669,000 arrests
in England and Wales. White people made up the majority, but when you look at
rates, the picture changes. The arrest rate for Black people was 20.4 per
1,000. For White people, it was 9.4 per 1,000. Black people are more than twice
as likely to be arrested. Asian and mixed-race people also face
disproportionate arrest rates compared to White people. This is not incidental.
It is structural.
What happens after these arrests? In the majority
of stop and searches, nothing. Around 70 per cent end in no further action. The
suspicion evaporates once the humiliation is done. Only around 14 per cent lead
to arrest, and even fewer lead to conviction.
This means thousands of racialised people are being
stopped, searched, and sometimes handcuffed, only to be released because they
were guilty of nothing except existing. This is not crime prevention. It is the
industrial-scale manufacturing of suspicion.
The reality is clear. Racialised people are
over-policed and under-protected. We are targeted when it suits them, abandoned
when we need them.
The violence does not end with adults. It reaches
into childhood.
In 2023 alone, police in England and Wales
strip-searched 3,122 children. Think about that number. Three thousand children
were forced to remove their clothes, made to stand in front of officers,
stripped of dignity as well as garments.
And the racial disparities are staggering. Black
children are six times more likely to be strip-searched than White children. In
some police forces, Black kids make up a quarter of those searched, despite
being only a fraction of the youth population.
This is the reality of policing in Britain:
children criminalised before adulthood, traumatised before they can even sit
GCSEs.
When the Child Q case broke, a 15-year-old Black
girl was strip-searched at school while menstruating, without an appropriate
adult present. There was national outrage. But Child Q was not an exception.
She was the tip of an iceberg.
The truth is that Britain’s police treat Black
children as adults, as threats, as problems to be contained. They are denied
the innocence that White children are afforded as a birthright.
So when we say the police are racist, we do not
mean only in the way they stop our cars or dismiss our complaints. We mean in
the way they strip our children of safety and dignity.
When the system brutalises you, the instinct is to
complain, to seek justice through the mechanisms supposedly designed for
accountability. But in policing, the complaint system is not a path to justice.
It is a labyrinth built to exhaust you.
In 2022 to 2023, more than two thousand two hundred
complaints of racial discrimination were made against police forces in England
and Wales. And what happened to those complaints? Almost nothing.
Take the Met. Between 2019 and 2023, there were 146
complaints about racial discrimination. Only 15 were even referred for
professional standards investigation. The rest were brushed aside.
That is just the data we have. Many forces do not
even record ethnicity consistently. Complaints vanish into thin air.
Even inside the police, the picture is grim.
Surveys show more than half of Black police officers and staff have experienced
racism from their own colleagues. If officers in uniform are not protected from
racist abuse inside the force, what chance do ordinary citizens have outside
it?
My own experience with Thames Valley Police is a case
in point. I reported a racist incident. They investigated themselves. They did
not call me, and they did not listen to my testimony. They simply declared
their colleague innocent. Case closed.
This is how the system works. The police are judge,
jury, and defendant all at once. They are accountable to no one but themselves.
The result is predictable: racialised people lose
faith. Complaints feel futile. Silence feels safer. The system relies on that
exhaustion. It is designed not to deliver justice but to deny it.
When the media declares, with feigned shock, that
the police are misogynistic and racist, it presents the problem as one of a few
bad apples, a culture gone wrong, something that might be fixed with reforms,
training, or another inquiry. But this is not new, and it is not accidental.
Policing in Britain was never designed to be
neutral. From its very beginnings, it has been about control. The first police
forces were built to discipline the poor, to protect property, to maintain
order in a society defined by inequality. Across the empire, British policing
exported surveillance, brutality, and racial hierarchies. Colonial policing was
not about safety. It was about domination. Those logics never disappeared. They
were repackaged and brought home.
This is why racialised people experience policing
as violence, not protection. The stop and search on the street, the arrest at
double the rate, the strip-search of children, the dismissal of complaints,
these are not glitches in the system. They are the system working exactly as
intended.
Every few years, a new inquiry or review is
announced. The Macpherson Report in 1999 named the Met as institutionally
racist. The Casey Review in 2023 described the same problems, almost word for
word, twenty-four years later. Between those reports, we saw countless promises
of reform, endless strategies, diversity schemes, unconscious bias training, and
listening exercises. And yet here we are, in 2025, with the same headlines, the
same scandals, the same refusal to change.
Because the police do not want to change. Change
would mean dismantling the power they hold. It would mean being accountable to
the people they currently criminalise. It would mean admitting that their
legitimacy is built on sand.
And they do not change. They issue statements. They
shuffle leadership. They put more Black and Brown faces in glossy recruitment
brochures. But the structure remains: racist, misogynistic, violent.
What chance do racialised people have with the
police? Let us answer plainly: none.
When I reported my case to Thames Valley Police, I
held onto a fragile hope that someone would listen. That my voice would matter.
That the system would live up to the slogans on its website about fairness and
justice. That hope died quickly. My voice was not heard. The complaint went
nowhere. The silence spoke louder than any apology ever could.
And I am not alone. Every statistic, every inquiry,
every report shows the same: racialised people are stopped more, searched more,
arrested more, strip-searched more, dismissed more. We are criminalised,
infantilised, and ignored.
So no, the police are not failing. They are
succeeding at the very thing they were designed to do: enforce racial
hierarchies, protect their own, and silence those who challenge them.
The question is not whether the police can change.
They will not. The question is how much longer society will tolerate
institutions that tell us, in every stop, every dismissal, every silence, that
we are not meant to belong.
We already know the truth. The police were always
like this. The only shock is that anyone still pretends to be surprised.
References and Sources
·
UK Home
Office: Stop and Search, England and Wales, year ending March 2023
·
Youth
Endowment Fund: Stop and Search Toolkit
·
House of
Commons Library: Stop and Search Statistics, March 2024
· Gov.uk: Ethnicity and the Criminal Justice System
2022
·
Independent
Office for Police Conduct: Complaints Statistics 2022–23
·
Metropolitan
Police FOI: Race Discrimination Complaints 2019–2023
·
Guardian:
Half of Black British police report racism from colleagues
·
Guardian:
Thousands of children strip-searched by police
·
Guardian:
Police six times more likely to strip-search Black children
· [Macpherson Report 1999]
· [Casey Review 2023]